It has been over a year since Russia began a ‘special military operation’ in Ukraine. Western democracies have criticised Moscow, imposed a wide range of sanctions, restricted Russian oil and gas imports, and provided unprecedented amounts of arms and ammunition to assist Ukraine in defending itself.
In contrast, India has remained neutral and declined to denounce Russia’s actions. India maintained defence and trade ties with Russia while simultaneously expressing concern over the war and advocating for all nations’ territorial integrity to be respected.
India’s voting pattern on the Russia-Ukraine war has largely reflected its neutrality. India has repeatedly abstained from voting on various UNGA resolutions concerning the conflict.
India runs an independent foreign policy and refrained from condemning Russia for invading Ukraine. India is a buyer of Russian oil. Even so the US sees India as an important strategic partner, though not an ally.
— Cato Foreign Policy (@CatoFP) July 26, 2023
Reports Swaminathan S. Anklesaria Aiyar https://t.co/hvtHdS6ec3
Reasons for India’s Strategically Neutral Position
India’s strategic neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine war can be viewed through numerous factors influencing its role in international relations, including historical ties with Russia, India’s policy of Non-alignment from the cold war era, military dependency and expanding role of Russia in India’s energy sector.
India’s Historical Ties with Russia
In the 1950s, when the Cold War was still rampant, India started forging close relations with the then-Soviet Union. India’s conflicts with Pakistan further strengthened ties with Russia.
The 1965 war over the sovereignty of the disputed Himalayan territory of Kashmir was ended by a cease-fire mediated by the Soviet Union between India and Pakistan. Then, in December 1971, during India’s conflict with Pakistan, the Soviet Union used its veto control to support India at the UN.
In August 1971, India and the Soviet Union signed a peace, friendship, and cooperation pact. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, it was replaced in January 1993 by the Treaty of Indo-Russian Friendship and Cooperation.
After endorsing India's 1974 "peaceful nuclear test" and its absorption of Sikkim in 1975, actions that drew criticism from the West and China, the Soviet Union continued its support by backing India's second nuclear test in 1998. This support persisted even in the face of widespread condemnation from Western nations.
India’s Policy of Non-alignment
During the Cold War, non-alignment emerged with the ideas of former Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who advocated for a “third way” for countries sympathetic to the idea of refusing to choose between the capitalist US and the communist Soviet Union. The movement’s principal purpose was establishing a case for international peace by uniting non-aligned members against any power bloc.
Last year, India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar addressed how India should manage its non-alignment position, “We have to be clear about our interests, and we have to be confident of pursuing it. We have to be skilled to build a narrative and harmonise our interest with as many of the international community as possible.”
According to Jaishankar, India has upheld its non-alignment policy in the polarised global scenario by being clear about its interests and confident in pursuing them. However, he stressed that the nation’s interests must be “harmonised” with as many members of the international community as possible. He also emphasised the need for diplomacy in this case.
Russian arms supplies to India worth US$13 billion in past 5 years: Reports https://t.co/RSh3xOvVzH pic.twitter.com/FLlYkhZd0v
— CNA (@ChannelNewsAsia) February 13, 2023
India’s Military Dependence on Russia
According to a team led by Sameer Lalwani, a senior specialist at the US Institute of Peace, there has been significant military trade between the two countries since the 1960s. Today, nearly 85% of India’s arsenal comprises Russian equipment.
Russia has sent fighter aircraft, nuclear submarines, cruise missiles, battle tanks, Kalashnikov rifles, and other weapons. Some of the equipment, such as fighter aircraft, may remain in India’s arsenal until 2065. For decades, India will rely on Moscow for replacement parts and maintenance.
According to Richard Rossow, the head of U.S.-India Policy Studies at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, the arms relation is “a key driver” of India’s reluctance to publicly condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
India's Energy Dependency
Rising demand for fuel and other petroleum products, along with declining domestic crude oil output, has increased India's dependency on imported crude to a record 87.3% of domestic consumption in 2022-23, up from 85.5% in 2021-22, according to a recent study.
According to a Nikkei report on shipping data, India’s reliance on Russian oil increased to 30% of its whole imported total in March. India, which had previously relied mostly on the Middle East, purchased more than 6 million tonnes of Russian oil in March.
Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has become a major source of crude oil for India, surpassing Saudi Arabia and Iraq to become the country’s main crude supplier.
According to data shared by energy cargo tracker Vortexa, India’s crude oil imports from Russia reached a new all-time high in May, as the world’s third-largest oil consumer imported nearly 2 million barrels per day (bpd) of the commodity from Russia, securing Moscow’s newfound position as New Delhi’s largest source of oil.
India has increased its imports of Russian crude at discounted prices. In June, India purchased 39.5% of its crude oil from Russia, up from 0.2 % in January 2022, before the conflict between Moscow and Ukraine began.
The average cost of Russian oil landing on Indian shores in April, including freight expenses, was USD 68.21 per barrel, the lowest price since the conflict in Ukraine.
According to industry data, India’s imports of cheap Russian oil set a new record in May, exceeding the total amount acquired from Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the UAE, and the US.
#MintExplains | Explore #India's expanding export markets for refined petroleum products, fueled by discounted Russian oil and changing global dynamics. Despite an overall decrease in oil exports due to falling crude prices, India is gaining prominence as an alternative oil hub. pic.twitter.com/PTmoGA4Svp
— Mint (@livemint) July 26, 2023
Instances of Ukraine’s Failed Support for India
Ukraine-India relations have seen ups and downs, especially after India opted to become nuclear. It is necessary to recall that Ukraine was one of the nations that strongly opposed India’s nuclear testing in 1998 and criticised India’s activities at the UNSC following the 1998 nuclear test.
Ukraine has also voted in favour of UN involvement in the Kashmir conflict. On the other hand, when India repealed Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir, Russia characterised the action as an internal matter for India. Ukraine has not offered support to India at times of crisis when it was most needed, which might be one of the reasons India has declined to offer full support to Ukraine in the ongoing war.
Modi's Policy of ‘Dialogue and Diplomacy
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi believes that dialogue and diplomacy are the only ways to address the Ukraine issue and would try to contribute towards resolving it. Modi spoke during the G7 summit in Hiroshima with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who had presented the world with his peace formula.
According to Modi, in today’s interconnected world, issues in one region affect all countries. He emphasised that “the developing countries, which have limited resources, are the worst affected. In the current global situation, these countries are facing the maximum and most profound impact of the food, fuel and fertiliser crisis.”
Modi stated that all countries must respect the UN Charter, international law, and all states’ sovereignty and territorial integrity. Modi also criticised the UN’s failure to prevent conflicts and combat terrorism in the modern era, claiming that “institutions created in the last century are not in line with the system of the 21st century.”
Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasised in a face-to-face meeting with President Putin in September 2022 that “today’s era is not the era of war.” Months later, the G20 group of major global cities embraced Modi’s “not the era of war” statement in the communique released at its Bali summit.
Conclusion
Despite India’s reluctance to condemn any one side, India has provided Ukraine with humanitarian aid, including drugs and medical equipment. During Ukraine’s First Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Emine Dzhaparova’s four-day visit to India in April, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs declared in a statement that Ukraine requested additional medical supplies and drugs and has urged Indian enterprises to assist in rebuilding the country.
Instead of blindly supporting one side, India’s approach towards the conflict is founded on strategic neutrality. India has also forged its own way by continuing its trading relations with Moscow while assisting Ukraine with medical and humanitarian supplies, emphasising that this is “not the era of war.”