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Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro urged the Supreme Court to end an investigation into his interference in police investigations for political gain. He said that there is “no indication of interference in the federal police” and that the case should be “treated with responsibility and serenity”.

In his statement, Bolsonaro said, “I never interfered in the work of the Federal Police. All statements to the contrary are frivolous. The testimonies of countless federal delegates confirm that I never asked any of them for information I expect responsibility and serenity in dealing with the matter.”

In April, Brazil’s Justice and Public Security Minister, Sergio Moro, resigned due to “political interference” and a lack of “autonomy” in the federal police after federal police chief Mauricio Valeixo was fired. Moro accused Bolsonaro of “breaking the promise of a carte blanche”. Bolsonaro sacked Valeixo as he wanted someone with whom he had “personal contact, whom he could call, ask for information, intelligence reports”. An anti-corruption judge also resigned on the same day just after Moro resigned.

Following Moro’s exit, the Supreme Court forced the President to withdraw the name of a family friend that he had nominated to run the federal police, saying that it would give him undue influence over law enforcement. Justice Alexandre de Moraes blocked the appointment of Alexandre Ramagem, who was the director of the Brazilian intelligence agency Abin.

Ramagem joined the federal police in 2005 and has been in charge of Abin since July 2019, which would have made him the federal police chief with the fewest years of experience. He joined Bolsonaro’s security team in 2018 after the current president was stabled on the campaign trail.

He has grown particularly close to the president’s sons, who are embroiled in embezzlement and misinformation scandals. Given that Carlos Bolsonaro is a Rio de Janeiro city councilor, that Eduardo Bolsonaro is a legislator, and that Flavio Bolsonaro is a Senator, Ramagem’s close ties to them are particularly troubling. Carlos and Eduardo are accused of disseminating “fake news”, while Flavio is being investigated for money laundering and misuse of public funds.

Reports of Bolsonaro’s desire to stack the government with close allies and confidants have been gathering steam recently.

Last month, Health Minister Luiz Henrique Mandetta was sacked after disagreeing with the president over the need for social distancing to contain the spread of the coronavirus. Bolsonaro said, “Mandetta's vision was that of health, of life. Mine is more than life, it includes the economy and jobs.” However, less than a month after he was sacked, his successor, Nelson Teich, resigned from his post, citing an “incompatibility” with Bolsonaro’s approach to combatting the coronavirus outbreak that has made Brazil a new epicenter for the virus.

It is amid this turmoil that the Brazilian Supreme Court ordered an investigation into Bolsonaro’s alleged interference in police investigations for political gain. In late April, Justice Celso de Mello gave the federal police 60 days to question former Justice and Public Security Minister Sergio Moro. Their findings will be presented to the attorney general, who could either request for a trial against Bolsonaro or an indictment against Moro for false testimony. An indictment of the president would have to be approved by the lower house of Brazil’s Congress.

The Supreme Court contends that “the crimes allegedly practiced by the president of the republic” appear to have “an intimate connection with the exercise of the presidential mandate”. However, given that the lower house is largely dominated by Bolsonaro’s supporters, an indictment will almost certainly not be approved. However, in the unlikely event that he is indicted, Vice President Hamilton Mourao would take over for up to 180 days. If Bolsonaro is then convicted in a trial, he would be impeached.

Last week, the Supreme Court released a recording of a ministerial meeting from April 22, in which Bolsonaro is seen saying that he wants to “change security officials, their bosses, or even ministers to stop his family and friends from getting ‘screwed’”.

In the days following the Supreme Court’s decision to launch an investigation into Bolsonaro, the President has participated in at least two anti-lockdown protests outside the Presidential palace.

Many of Bolsonaro’s supporters have stood behind him and on Sunday called for the Supreme Court and Congress to be shut down to allow for a return to a more authoritarian style of governance, like that seen in the military dictatorship that ruled over Brazil from 1964-1985. Bolsonaro, a former army captain, has repeatedly celebrated and defended the previous military regime in spite of its numerous human rights abuses.

In accordance with this support, Bolsonaro has said, “We have the armed forces at the people's side: the side of order, democracy, liberty.” He added, “Enough interference. We're not allowing any more interference. Our patience is over.” While this does not amount to calling for a military takeover, his explicit support for measures to disempower the Supreme Court and Congress has strong anti-democratic undertones.

In addition, his stronghold over the police continues. On Tuesday, federal police raided the residence of Rio de Janeiro governor Wilson Witzel in a supposed COVID-19 corruption probe. Witzel said he was innocent of allegations of misuse of public funds, and while no arrests were made, he accused Bolsonaro of “interference”. Witzel is a former ally of Bolsonaro. However, during the ongoing pandemic, the two have shifted further apart as he opposes the President’s approach to the pandemic.

In fact, several mayors and governors have suffered the wrath of an increasingly volatile Bolsonaro. As Bolsonaro calls the coronavirus a “little flu” and favors reopening the economy, Brazil’s governors and mayors have taken matters into their own hands by implementing their own lockdown and quarantine protocols. In response, Bolsonaro has called them ‘criminals’.

Evidence is quickly mounting against Bolsonaro and support, both within government institutions and in society at large, is quickly dissipating. It remains to be seen how badly his presidency will be affected by this pandemic and his actions during this period. Brazil now has the 2nd most coronavirus cases in the world, and the 6th most deaths, with close to 400,000 cases and 25,000 deaths. However, medical experts in the country claim that a lack of testing obscures numbers that could be 12 to 15 times higher.

Author

Statecraft Staff

Editorial Team

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